Dr. Andrija Artukovic

American Croat, Summer-Fall 1977

In 1946, the concept of an entire community with a fence around it may have seemed quite novel and very secure. With a busy highway before it, the Pacific Ocean behind it, a Navy Weapons Testing Center to its side, the tiny southern California community of Surfside built an eight-foot high chain-link fence around the village. The primary purpose of the fence was to keep non-residents from parking on the narrow village streets when walking the one hundred or so yards to the beach.

Today the fence still stands, rusted in most places, looking very much like those which surround school yards in our older and larger cities. There is a main entrance on the east side, next to the highway. A small "guard house" is to be found there, usually containing one seventeen year-old "Jesus Freak." He has long hair, no uniform and is often armed with a copy of the Good News Bible. Prior to nine p.m. an individual wishing to enter Surfside with an automobile must stop at the gate and be announced before entering; a policy to be found in almost every apartment building in New York City. After nine in the evening, a resident must insert a plastic card into a slot in order to open the small lot type gate. There is no restriction on foot traffic into the village at any time.

Once inside Surfside, one will see row after row of small wood-frame cottages so close to one another that most touch. One such cottage is 63B. It was built in 1946 as a middle income beach-front cottage. Since then another row of houses has been added to the west, blocking access to the ocean and the home, though well taken care of, has aged. 63B Surfside would be considered a modest address by any standard and perhaps a little less than that in Southern California where a building constructed in 1946 ranks in the ninetieth percentile of age. Yet 63B Surfside has been called "a beach side villa," "a walled and guarded security complex" and "a luxury estate with fences and guards."

But it is not the house at 63B Surfside which concerns so many writers, lawyers and politicians; it is the resident of that house, Dr. Andrija Artukovic. His life and the unusual circumstances of his stay in California make his modest home a prison, the chain-link fence a wall which both protects and denies, and his personal immigrant experience unique.

Andrija Artukovic was born on November 29, 1899, in the village of Klobuk, Croatia; then part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. His family was large, Roman Catholic, and agrarian. It was the custom for the eldest son to take charge of the family farm when he came of age, but Andrija˙s keen awareness of the world around him and his outstanding scholarship came to the attention of his teachers who soon arranged for financial assistance. He was thus allowed to continue his education at a Franciscan school and later at the University of Zagreb. He earned a Doctor of Jurisprudence in 1925 and practiced law briefly prior to his conscription into the Royal Yugoslav Army as a member of the staff of the Military Supreme Court.

From his student days, Artukovic had maintained an active interest in the movement to liberate the Croatians from the multi-national state of Yugoslavia created in 1918. He joined the Party of Rights, also known as the Frankist Party and was active both as a student and later as a lawyer. While serving with the Military Court staff, he learned that he had been listed as an ‘‘anti-state element" because of his defense of political suspects. After his discharge from the Army, he returned to his law practice in Gospic where he continued to spend most of his time defending young Croatian nationalists accused of wrongdoing by the various arms of the Royal Yugoslav network.

Although he was known and respected throughout Croatia as a lawyer and seldom lost a case, Artukovic did not prosper. His clients were usually poor and, on some occasions he was known to pay his clients enough to return to their village rather than the client paying the lawyer.

The cause of Croatian independence became more pronounced on June 20, 1928, when a Serbian representative rose to address the members of Parliament in Belgrade. The Deputy, Punisa Racic, walked before the Croatian delegation, led by the famed Croat pacifist Stjepan Radic, so he "might be heard better." At that point, he produced a pistol and proceeded to shoot five Croatian leaders. Stjepan Radic, his brother Pavle and Djuro Basaricek died as a result of the attack. Two other Croatian leaders were seriously wounded. The assailant turned and walked from the hall unmolested. On January 6,1929, King Alexander followed this blow by suspending the Constitution and declaring a Royal Dictatorship. All political parties were banned; Croatian leaders were jailed; the press was silenced and "Courts for the protection of the State" were established.

As troops moved into Croatia to maintain order, those Croatian leaders who had not been arrested went into exile. One such leader was the Frankist Deputy from Zagreb, Dr. Ante Pavelic. Pavelic was the elected representative from the city of Zagreb, a respected lawyer and vice-president of the Bar. Like other political leaders, he had hoped to bring about some measure of freedom for Croatia through legal democratic process. It became evident all legal recourse ended with the formation of the dictatorship and only illegal acts remained as a methodology of change in Yugoslavia. On January 10, 1929, only four days after the proclamation of the dictatorship, Pavelic announced the formation of the Ustase ("Uprisers") Movement for the liberation of Croatia. He fled Yugoslavia and promised to serve the people of Croatia as he had been elected to do. King Alexander sentenced him to death as an "anti-State element" on July 17, 1929.

The dictatorship had its effect on Andrija Artukovic as well. Although he remained in Croatia, his allegiance soon turned to the Ustase movement. In September, 1932, a rebellion of peasants occurred in the Lika region of Croatia. The rebels were armed and supplied by the Ustase. Because of his open espousal of Croatian rights, he was immediately held suspect in the revolt and forced to flee Yugoslavia. For the next two years, he traveled in Austria, France, Italy, and England gathering information for a book on the Croatian struggle for freedom.

On October 9, 1934, Dictator-King Alexander was assassinated in Marseille, France, by a member of the Macedonian Liberation Movement who had close ties to the Ustase. Artukovic, who was in London at the time, learned of the act through newspaper and radio accounts. In later years, some writers have attempted to link Artukovic with the assassination, with the tale that he was to kill Alexander in London should the Marseille plot fail. This story overlooks the fact that neither Alexander nor the British government had any plans for a visit by the Yugoslav monarch at any time although Alexander˙s official biographer Stephen Graham once stated that the king had "wanted" to visit Britain.

Artukovic˙s visa was not extended by the British, perhaps due to Yugoslav pressure, and he went to France in 1935 where he was arrested by French authorities for extradition to Yugoslavia. Despite the extradition request, the French authorities could find no link between Artukovic and the murder of Alexander, the crime cited by Yugoslavia. The Yugoslavs then requested his extradition on charges concerning the 1932 Lika rebellion; something the French could neither prove or disprove. Artukovic was returned to Yugoslavia in chains on board a warship dispatched for the purpose.

Artukovic˙s arrest and imprisonment became a major topic of interest throughout the world-wide Croatian community. Sixty-three lawyers asked to defend him and even the outlawed Communist Party of Yugoslavia came to his defense. One of Artukovic˙s most vocal supporters was Milovan Djilas who was later to become Vice-President of the People˙s Republic of Yugoslavia under Tito. For nineteen months, Artukovic was held without charge or trial. Finally as feelings were running high and talk of open revolt spread throughout Croatia, Artukovic was taken before the "Court for Protection of the State." He was held for three more days and released. It became obvious that there was never any evidence against him and many felt he would have been quietly eliminated had the publicity surrounding the case died down.

When Artukovic returned to Croatia as a hero, it became evident that the government had not changed policy toward him, only method. Within weeks assassins struck, narrowly missing Artukovic and killing a Croatian Deputy standing next to him. He again fled the country, seeking medical treatment in Germany for the effects of his imprisonment in Belgrade. However, Artukovic soon found himself a victim of warming relations between Nazi Germany and the neo-fascist regime then in power in Belgrade and was again arrested, this time by the Gestapo, in September 1936. Held in prison or under house arrest until 1938, Artukovic was told that he represented a thorn in Yugoslav-Nazi relations. He eventually escaped house arrest and fled to Belgium.

By 1939 it had become apparent to the Yugoslav government that Croatia could not be controlled by force forever. The movement toward Croatian independence was clear and manifested itself in every election and in every phase of life within the multi-national state.

After months of infighting and back-room politics, an agreement or "Sporazum" was concluded on August 26, 1939. Croatia became a semi-autonomous "Banovina" as it had been within the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Tied to Yugoslavia only in matters of foreign affairs, national defense, and postal system, the Banovina had control of such vital areas as education, justice, industry, and commerce. Croatia had, in fact, more autonomy than a Swiss Canton, considered by most to be the most independent of political subdivisions in Europe. For the first time in the history of Yugoslavia, a Croatian, Vladko Macek of the Croatian Peasant Party, held a vital government post, that of vice-Premier.

The Croatians considered the establishment of the Banovina as a first step toward total freedom and called for a plebiscite in Bosnia and Hercegovina to determine whether these traditionally Croatian Provinces would wish to join the new Croatian "state". Plans were made to establish high court which would resolve differences between Croatia and Yugoslavia, accenting the separateness of the two.

The Serb; those who accepted the agreement at all; considered the pact to be the maximum concession to be made to the Croatians and most considered it only a temporary state affair to be rescinded as soon as politically possible. Throughout Serbia there was outrage at the thought of a plebiscite for Bosnia and Hercegovina. Serbs felt these lands to be an extension of "Greater Serbia" and not to be bargained with. In a secret telegram to the State Department in March 1940, American Minister Arthur B. Lane noted: "It becomes more evident every day that the Agreement...did by no means solve the Croatian question.... The differences in religion, culture and traditions between Serbs and Croats still exist and twenty-one years of mutual hostility cannot be blotted out by a political agreement." (1)

Over the years Prince Paul and several pro-fascist Serbian Premiers, especially Milan Stojadinovic, had taken Yugoslavia closer and closer to Hitler and the Axis camp. On March 25,1937 the Italian-Yugoslav Pact was signed providing for "peace and security" between the two states and on January 17, 1938 Stojadinovic met with Hitler in Berlin where he promised full Yugoslav support for the New Order. Prince Paul traveled to Germany on two occasions, one public and one secret, to meet with Hitler in early 1941. On March 24, 1941, Yugoslavia joined Germany, Italy, Japan, Bulgaria, Hungary, Slovakia and Rumania as a full member of the Axis "Pact of Steel".

Three days later a pro-Serbian coup was taken by Hitler to be a repudiation of the Axis pact and German forces were joined by those of Italy and Hungary in the invasion of Yugoslavia. Croatian and other minorities refused to fight for the multi-national state and the Germans were often met as liberators rather than conquerors.

Before the first German forces arrived in Zagreb, the local Ustase forces took over the city with the loss of only one life. On April 10,1941, eight days before the fall of Yugoslavia, the Ustase leader, Slavko Kvaternik, announced the formation of the Independent State of Croatia. Ante Pavelic returned from his exile to head the new government, Kvaternik became vice-Premier and chief of the Armed Forces, and most Banovina officials remained at their posts at the request of Dr. Macek. When the first government was fully formed later that month, Dr. Artukovic was named Minister of the Interior.

As in many European countries, the Croatian Interior Ministry had no police functions during time of war. The Croatian State was born, lived and died during war-time and all police functions were held by the Armed Forces Ministry. The-first decree concerning police gave the Chief of the Armed Forces complete control with these words: "I appoint General Slavko Kvaternik Commander of the Armed Forces and Minister of Croatian Defense, which shall comprise the land, air and sea-borne forces, gendarmes and all traffic police." (2)

Artukovic was faced with the difficult task of creating a state government during time of war from virtually nothing. He appointed district administrators, drew municipal borders and, most difficult of all, balanced the fine line between the Croatian and Italian administration in the one-third of Croatia that had been occupied by the Italians. In this capacity he often found himself called upon to provide travel documents to allow people to move from one zone to another. At the request of the Archbishop of Zagreb, he often provided such documents to Jewish families allowing them to escape the Nazis in the German occupied zone. The Italians then allowed these people to leave Italy, usually for Palestine. Officially, at least one thousand Jews escaped in this manner. There is, of course, no way to know the number who may have crossed the border without documents as local Croatian officials turned a blind eye to technical violations of the Nazi racial laws imposed upon them.

It is interesting to note that the government of the Croatian State, called a "Catholic dictatorship" by some post-war writers, was in fact the most religiously diverse government in Europe at that time. Included were a large number of Muslims and several Jews, the latter being unthinkable in any Axis occupied state. The Croatian "Sabor" or Diet was likewise varied in its background with only twenty-seven Ustase members out of a total of 205.

Artukovic˙s friendship with the anti-Nazi Archbishop of Zagreb and his frequent aid to Jews led to pressure by the German government for his removal. On October 10, 1942 it was announced that he would become Minister of Justice; a post with little authority which was not a cabinet-level position. after less than a year he was again demoted to the position of "Keeper of the Seal and State Legal Archivist." This position is carried out in most governments by legal clerks who prevent "chaptering out" of one law by another and records the entry of such laws into legal codes. "Keeper of the Seal" was, of course, a ceremonial position. Unfortunately for Artukovic, part of his duty was to sign every law and assign it a legal code number when the State Seal was affixed. This was later pointed to as evidence of his "great power" in Croatia...not a single law could be found without his signature.

The reasons for Artukovic˙s rapid decline from power were clear to those inside government. Long after his removal from the Interior Ministry, Artukovic continued to be looked upon as a friend of the Archbishop and was still called upon to speak to Pavelic on behalf of those being persecuted by Germans or overzealous Croatian officials. Documents released after the war confirm that the Archbishop often called upon him to solve problems, especially those concerning the welfare of minorities, that were in fact far beyond the scope of his official duties. Ironically, these documents would also be used to attempt to prove that he in fact held vast power despite his demotions.

The end of the Second World War also marked the end of the Croatian State. Like many former officials of the Croatian Government, Artukovic was forced to flee the country to avoid the "flying courts" of the Partisans. Those who did not were executed outright. From May 1945 until October 1946, Andrija Artukovic resided in the western occupation zones of Austria. He was at one point detained by the British authorities to investigate Yugoslav claims that he was a "war criminal." He was investigated and released. As time went on it became apparent that the new "People˙s Government" had every intention of liquidating all former members of all non-communist governments or parties in Yugoslavia. Most such leaders were declared "war criminals" and Yugoslav Secret Police assassins were sent into the west to find those who had escaped the fate of thousands who stayed. It has been estimated that 180,000 Croatians were liquidated within the first year, including virtually every former member of the Croatian government who did not flee Yugoslavia and many who did. Fearing for his life, Artukovic fled to Switzerland where he applied for new identity papers under the name "Alois Anich". In a closed hearing he revealed to Swiss authorities his true identity and explained the need for an alias and his hope to escape the Yugoslav Secret Police by going to Ireland. The Swiss issued a certificate in the name of "Alois Anich."

Artukovic lived with his wife in Ireland for one year after their arrival in July 1947. During this time his only son, Radoslav, was born. Upon expiration of his Swiss certificate, he applied for an Irish document, again in the name of Alois Anich, the name with which his son was legally born.

Andrija˙s brother, John Artukovic was one of several relatives living in Los Angeles, California. He had arrived in the United States in 1932 and served the Allied cause during World War II. Like most Artukovics in Los Angeles, John was in the heavy construction business. He invited his exiled brother to come to California to visit and if possible to stay.

With an Irish identity card and visa issued to Alois Anich, Artukovic arrived in the United States in July 1948. His papers were not questioned and he was not asked if he were known by another name, a practice which is standard in most countries. Without legal advice he applied for an extension of his visa, again in the name Anich, in October 1948. When the visa again neared expiration, a lawyer friend of John Artukovic mentioned that he should apply for further extensions under both names so that he could not be accused of entering the United States illegally. On January 25, 1949, some six months after his entry into the United States, he applied for an extension of his visa as "Andrija Artukovic alias Alois Anich." The visa was approved and on three occasions thereafter the Immigration and Naturalization Service renewed his papers as Artukovic alias Anich, regarding his original entry as a technical infraction which made no difference to the Service. For years thereafter, under pressure from the Yugoslav government and its friends in the U.S. State Department, this "illegal entry" would be cited as a reason for deportation of Artukovic and his family. It is, in fact still pointed out by those unfamiliar with the 1952 McCarren-Walter Immigration Act which provided that no person could be deported solely for entering the country under an assumed name to avoid political persecution abroad.

In mid-1949, Artukovic applied for resident status under the Displaced Persons Act of 1948. This application was also made for "Andrija Artukovic alias Alois Anich". In April 1951, Artukovic˙s lawyer asked whether a hearing could be held regarding his status. He was told that the investigation was not complete and that no hearing could be held for some time. Just as the lawyer prepared to leave Los Angeles on business, it was suddenly announced that the hearing would be held on May 7.

The reason for the sudden change in the disposition of the case was the return of columnist Drew Pearson from a "goodwill" tour of Tito˙s Yugoslavia. After being Tito˙s personal guest for a number of weeks, Pearson returned to the United States to launch a vicious campaign against Artukovic in the press and on his radio program. After Pearson˙s death his memoirs revealed that he believed that he had personally saved the life of Cardinal Stepinac with his intervention with Tito. It was obvious that a bargain was struck: Stepinac˙s life for that of "war criminal" Artukovic. Of course, in fact Pearson had nothing to do with saving Stepinac˙s life, he was simply an extension of the propaganda arm of the Tito government. Supplied with information issued by the Yugoslav Information Center in New York, the communist Hollywood Daily Worker, the Los Angeles Daily News and other papers joined in the cry to oust Artukovic.

Artukovic was arrested on May ninth for deportation. Soon thereafter, Artukovic˙s wife and five children, two of whom were American citizens, were ordered deported by the INS. Before the deportation proceedings could even begin, the Yugoslav government filed for extradition on charges of "war crimes," complicating the case even more. On August 29, 1951 Artukovic was again arrested and brought before the United States Commissioner in Los Angeles on the formal complaint of the Yugoslav Consul General in San Francisco. The Consul alleged, under oath, that an indictment existed in Yugoslavia charging Artukovic with murder. The falseness of this statement became known when the official Yugoslav indictment was filed in October. It was dated September 5, 1951, one week after the false complaint had been filed. The Consul could not be charged with perjury due to diplomatic immunity.

The Yugoslav document charged Artukovic with twenty-two counts of murder. This number was later revised to read 1,293 counts of "murder and participation in murder". Despite these figures, the Yugoslav Information Center in New York issued, on May 11, 1951, a Fact Sheet on Dr. Andrija Artukovic charging him with ordering the murder of 500,000 Serbs and virtually the entire Jewish population of Croatia, about 30,000.(3) Within a year a pamphlet printed by the Serbian National Defense Council of America charged, with no documentation, that 800,000 Serbs alone had been killed by Artukovic. This is the figure often seen even today in the American press although the wording has been changed to read "Serbs and Jews". In recent years the figure has again grown to "..nearly one million Jews and Serbs..and...dozens of captured American Pilots," in Readers Digest. On March 25, 1974, the editors of Readers Digest admitted to a member of the California State Assembly that the charges were "claims and allegations not necessarily fully documented facts."

On July 14, 1952 the District Court of Los Angeles held that there was no existing treaty for extradition between the United States and Yugoslavia. Two years later, the Tito government won a reversal of that ruling by dusting off an obscure 1902 treaty between the United States and the Kingdom of Serbia. On April 3,1956, the District Court ruled that the charges against Artukovic were political in nature and therefore not in force under the treaty. Finally, on March 10, 1958, the Supreme Court of the United States remanded the matter for a final hearing before the United States Commissioner for Los Angeles.

On January 15, 1959, after seven and one-half years of court proceedings, a Finding of Fact and Conclusion of Law and Order was issued by United States Commissioner Theodore Hocke. The extensive sixteen page document dealt with every aspect of the charges in some detail. Witnesses from all parts of the world had testified and hundreds of briefs and documents had been filed. The conclusion of the Commissioner was stated in the third paragraph of "Conclusions of Law:"

"That the demand of the Complainant for the surrender of the Defendant should be denied for failure to prove by sufficient evidence that there is reasonable cause to believe the Defendant guilty of any of the charges in the amended complaint on extradition."(4)

Hocke concluded his statements with this observation:

The Media Trial Goes On

On January 16, 1959 a Los Angeles newspaper carried the headline "Tito Can˙t Have Artukovic." On January 30, the same paper carried a picture of Dr. and Mrs. Artukovic with the caption "Their ordeal is over -Mr. and Mrs. Andrew Artukovic know peace and serenity for the first time in seven years." It was also the last peace and serenity they would know for the remainder of their lives.

While Artukovic could not be extradited for war crimes, he could still be deported simply because his visa had expired. For years California Congressman Utt passed measures to protect the Artukovic family from deportation. But, like many of his enemies, even friends could not outlive Artukovic and one by one his supporters, priests who had defended him, even his lawyers passed away or retired. Artukovic went into seclusion, seeking only to raise his family and be as little noticed as possible in his twilight years.

In the early 1970s a new generation grew to learn that only communists were persecuted during 1950s and a new wave of "Nazi hunters" came to the fore in America. Since their fathers had done a thorough job of finding most available war criminals during the extensive Nuremberg tribunals, new ‘criminals" had to be found. In some cases even ghosts were stalked the world over. Hitler and Bormann were hunted long after it was proved that both perished in 1945. The only people who seemed interested in helping with the search were east European communist regimes. Most other nations had executed, forgotten or forgiven their assorted "war criminals".

Artukovic became one of thirty-six targets of America˙s Nazi hunters: all were eastern Europeans. Several members of Congress became interested in the case and, amid reams of re-election publicity, demanded the deportation of Artukovic. The press joined in as nearly every newspaper, wire service and television station expressed "shock" that a "known war criminal" was living "a˙life of luxury" on the southern California cost. With every report, his crimes grew more terrible and his home more like a guarded palace. Comparisons were drawn between he and his "fellow exile," former President Nixon in San Clemente. The years of trial, the hundreds of pages of evidence, the dozens of witnesses were all forgotten. Most sources did not even mention that any legal process had ever taken place. Reprinting direct press releases issued by the Yugoslav news agency Tanjug in New York was the order of the day. The scene was McCarthyism at is very worst.

In 1975 words turned to action as young radicals bombed the home of John Artukovic and a shotgun blast narrowly missed another family member. Artukovic found new supporters and new defenders, though fewer than before with much more powerful opposition.

In July 1977 the United States Congress announced that it was forming a "Nazi Hunting Task Force" which would seek to deport any person accused of war crimes by a Communist country without trial or proof of guilt. The members of Congress moved with greater speed than in the investigation of over one hundred of their own numbers who were being paid by foreign governments. Artukovic was back in court on August 15, 1977. The Immigration and Naturalization Service, under pressure from Congress, had ordered his immediate deportation without proof of guilt and with no reference to the ruling of January 15, 1959.

As Artukovic˙s lawyer Ronald Bonaparte, a professor of at UCLA and University of Southern California, as well as Chairman of the Immigration Committee of the American Bar Association, entered the room, most arguments had been seen by the judge in the form of briefs filed well in advance. The judge fired one question after another at the government˙s attorney. She was unable to answer most or even justify the government˙s actions against Artukovic. A ten-minute recess was called. Upon his return, the judge issued a permanent injunction against the deportation of Andrija Artukovic. He noted that no new evidence had been offered and that the case could not be reopened until such evidence could be presented by the government.

With unlimited use of taxpayer˙s dollars, the government plans to appeal the ruling. Although there are no grounds for an appeal at present, the case could again go all the way to the Supreme Court, or the ruling of August 15th could be the last chapter in the case of Dr. Andrija Artukovic.

As the agents of Yugoslavia planned their next move, Artukovic went to church. Hundreds of Croatians joined him at a thanksgiving Mass at nearby St. Anthony˙s Croatian Catholic Church. In one of his first public speeches in almost twenty years, Artukovic thanked all Croatians everywhere for their unfailing support. He noted with pride that young Croatians have continued the struggle against oppression and called upon them to take up the banner that his generation must now lay down. It was a rare day of joy in the life of Andrija Artukovic.

The Artukovic family now waits for the next newspaper account of his "war crimes," for the next Congressman to call for deportation; for the knock on the door from the INS; for the bomb blast that will not miss its mark.

At 78 years of age, Artukovic is as much a prisoner as he had been in Yugoslavia or Nazi Germany. He seldom leaves his home and never goes anywhere unescorted. His few friends and family visit him as they would visit any prisoner. Yet Andrija Artukovic calls himself "blessed." Still very much aware of the world around him, he is at all times abreast of the latest news from any corner of the world. He is the most devout of Roman Catholics. In any conversation, he will thank God for his friends, his long life and for his victories over his many foes. He feels that all acts are acts of divine intervention and the fact that he is now fighting his third generation of enemies he cites as divine acceptance of his innocence and morality. He is not afraid of death as so many journalists have sought to prove. On the contrary, he accepts death, as life, to be an act of God over which no one has control. His undivided and unquestioning faith is looked upon by many today as old-fashioned, perhaps primitive. Yet none can deny that whatever motivates Andrija Artukovic; whatever that spark is that makes him cling so life without fear of any mortal; whatever that force, whether God or simply good luck, it has served Andrija Artukovic very well indeed.

1. Record Group 59, National Archives, Washington, D.C. (Doc. 860. H. 0011150, March 8, 1940).

2. "Decree Concerning the Appointment of the First Croatian National Government, April 16, 1941", Zbornik, No. 1, (Zagreb: State Press: 1941), p.6.

4. United States of America ex rel Branko Karadzole, Consul General People’s Republic of Yugoslavia, Complainant, vs. Andrija Artukovic, Defendant, Docket 9, Case No. 283, (Los Angeles U.S.D.C. Southern District of California, Central Division) 15 January 1959, "Findings of Fact" Para. III.